| Published on 20-03-2008 In National |
| Viewed 1953 times |
| RSS ko CPI(M) par gussa kyon aata hain? |
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Written by
Nilotpal Basu |
The present times appear to be not only exciting, but also bizarre. Has it anything to do with elections or even its sheer mention? Because, all crucial protagonists either in the government or in the congress, have come out with most unambiguous and emphatic announcement that elections will be held on time. But even then, there are forces that do realise that in any case elections will take place within a year or so.
Therefore, there is a sense of despair in some of the actions that RSS/BJP have embarked upon. And the most bizarre of these was on evidence on the 9th of March. Unprecedented as it was, goons attacked the CPI (M) headquarters in New Delhi. Since a day earlier the youth wing of the BJP had given an open call for a demonstration before the office, the police had stopped it some distance away. On the 9th, the goons came unannounced and clandestinely- disembarking from more than a dozen private cars they started pelting stones, which apparently had been brought in the cars themselves.
The goons did not carry any party flags or banners. They were allegedly from the Hindu Manch, a little known organization that is usually used by the Hindutva forces whenever they have to indulge in something as outrageous as this. Great concern for Hindus indeed! But if there was any doubt of the real identity of those who perpetrated such an assault on the headquarters of a nationally recognized political party (perhaps for the first time such a bizarre development has taken place) within an hour, the 24 hour news channels put at rest all speculations. Right from the RSS spokesperson the entire BJP started defending this action.
This was unacceptable. And this was not just an attack on the CPI (M) but on all those who cherish democracy. This was clearly a fascist approach.
The positive development, however, was that the media except for may be a few in Hindi, outrightly condemned the actions of the Hindutva forces. More importantly, on the very next day both houses of parliament discussed this action of the RSS-BJP. And the overwhelming tone was of outright condemnation; even- allies of the NDA not mincing words. It was `splendid isolation' indeed.
But the question arises why the RSS-BJP continues to display this fascist trend. Howsoever the BJP may be protesting, it remains the only political party which is not accountable to its membership but to the RSS. The RSS continues to be a structure where the leadership is not decided by the membership but is handed down by the supreme leader-sarsangh chalak. Along with this inherently fascistic structure, an extremely right wing policy approach and aggressive anti-minority attitude has made RSS and its affiliates the spearhead of the resurgence of the right in India. This resurgence continued from the fag end of the 1980s to 2004.
Given the inherent nature of this fascist combine, the importance of keeping constant vigil against them was a prerequisite for safeguarding democracy in the country. And the 2004 elections was a critical watershed in this battle.
The question will obviously arise why has the RSS now targeted the left, particularly the CPI (M)? Why the attack on Central office, offices and residences of party leaders attacked in Hyderabad, Bangalore, Kanyakumari, and Dehradun? In many of these places, the presence of the CPI (M) is very weak. That is where the role of the CPI (M) in terms of politics and ideology assumes such a signal importance.
Did anybody from the right even in their worst nightmares think that Vajpayee would not be back in south block after 2004? With the pro-globalization policies in place and the most perverted expression of neo-liberalism, 'shining India' blaring out in its full glory in the corporate media who would think that psephologists would go wrong?
But here is the significance of the CPI (M).
That anti-communal votes should not be divided-that a secular government must be formed-and the left presence must be enhanced in the parliament so that there cannot be any unilateral advance of the neo-liberal policies – was the election platform which CPI (M) espoused. Whether by design or otherwise, this is precisely what happened.
The first hope of the RSS of a third term for Vajpayee was dashed. The second hope that the RSS nourished was that this secular UPA government would not go the full term, but this also has not fructified. The third was - in it's over anxiety to sustain the UPA government, the CPI (M) and the Left will compromise their basic pro-people policy positions. The expectation was very clear - that forced to take this course, the CPI (M) would vacate the pro-people opposition space for the RSS/BJP. On this question, the threat was very real on the issue of nuclear deal and the possible ramifications on entire gamut of issues pertaining to economic, strategic and foreign policy questions. But the firmness and, at the same time, flexibility of the CPI (M) and the Left has averted the unilateral course that the government attempted. So, the frustration of the saffron crowd is palpable!
There are vital issues of political strategy of the Hindutva forces, which stand blocked by the political and ideological stance of the Left. The experience of the Jan Sangh days had moved the Sangh towards a coalition tactics in order to expand their mass base. Using the traditional anti-Congress position of a number of regional parties – the RSS egged on the BJP to be-friend these forces so that ultimately they could be devoured by the saffron forces. But the principled position of the CPI (M) and its 24X7 campaign that the policies of the Congress cannot be fought in the company of the BJP – and the BJP is worse because along with the overall similarity in economic policy orientation, their aggressive communal platform is a major impediment to people's aspiration. And that it was possible to successfully combat both these forces have been actually demonstrated by the Left in its strongholds of West Bengal, Kerala and Tripura, where the BJP is conspicuously without a representation in the Assembly.
Therefore, though not yet physically present in a big way in North India and some other parts of the country, the RSS correctly recognized the CPI (M) as a major bulwark against its fascistic and communal machinations. Kannur violence was just a smokescreen. Because, in Kannur, as well as in Kerala, since the assumption of the LDF in office, about 13 leaders and activists of the CPI (M) have been killed in an attempt at targeted individual elimination. Only when faced with resistance in Kannur, they are trying to cry hoarse.
No doubt, peace will descend in Kannur and Kerala. But the battle of democracy against fascism – of peace against violence of the type that RSS/BJP wants to perpetrate – and harmony and amity against communal hatred that the sangh spews will carry on. The positive feature is – as the discussion in the Parliament has shown – there will be a broad array of political forces that will be pitted against the Hindutva forces on this question. |
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