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Published on 14-01-2007 In National
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Supreme Court ruling and quota politics
Written by
S. Murari
The Supreme Court's landmark ruling that even laws included in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution, which had hitherto enjoyed immunity, will from now on be subjected to judicial review to decide whether they violate the basic features of the Constitution deserves to be welcomed unreservedly by all who believe that individual freedoms cannot be taken away on whimsical grounds in the name of collective good.

What the court has done is to correct an aberration, a tendency on the part of State legislatures and a Parliament driven by political considerations to put laws that normally may not pass muster, like for example the Tamil Nadu Act on 69 per cent reservation, in the Ninth Schedule to give them immunity from judicial review.

The original purpose of Ninth Schedule, which Jawaharlal Nehru wanted to use as a one-time measure only to protect far-reaching land reforms laws, has been defeated by the inclusion in it of all and sundry acts. So much so, the number has increased from 13 to over 280 now.

All of them, including Tamil Nadu's reservation act, can now be reviewed to decide whether they violate the basic features of the Constitution which include core fundamental rights like the right to equality before law (Art 14), bar on discrimination on grounds of caste, religion etc, (Art 15) and freedom of speech, etc (Art19).


The apex court has given effect to two earlier landmark judgments. Way back in 1967, after a spate of amendments to the Constitution impinging on fundamental rights, the apex court in the Golaknath case held that fundamental rights cannot be abridged.

To escape challenge on this ground, many laws were placed in the Ninth Schedule. Then came the judgment in the Keshavananda Bharati case in which the court said no amendment can alter the basic structure of the Constitution which include core fundamental rights and other features like secularism and so on.

Just as the court in 1967 decided not to give retrospective effect to its verdict to avoid chaos, this time around also it has fixed the cut-off date as April 24, 1973, the day the Keshavananda Bharati case was delivered. In other words, the apex court has shown social consciousness and acted with restraint.

The court has held that the objective of fundamental rights is to foster a society egalitarian to the extent that all citizens will be equally free from coercion or restriction by the State.

Fundamental rights and directive principles have to be balanced. That balance can be tilted in favour of public good, but it cannot be overturned by completely overriding individual liberty.

The court has reasoned that modern democracy is based on the twin principles of majority rule and the need to protect fundamental rights. The objective behind Art 31 B (giving immunity to certain laws by placing them in the ninth schedule) is to remove difficulties and not obliterate Part III (fundamental rights) in its entirety or judicial review.

If core values enshrined in Art 14, 15, 19 and 21 (protection of life and liberty) are allowed to be abrogated, it would completely change the basic structure of the Constitution, the court has held.

Among the laws which have been stripped of immunity is the Tamil Nadu Backward Classes, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes (Reservation of Seats in Educational Institutions and of Appointments or Posts in the Services under the State) Act, 1993, which was included in the Ninth Schedule through the 76th Constitution Amendment in 1994. It is already under challenge before the apex court through a writ petition filed by Voice-Consumer Care, an NGO represented by eminent lawyer K M Vijayan.

The act was passed by the previous AIADMK Government in 1994 to protect the 69 per cent reservation in force in the State from challenge after the apex court in its judgment in the Mandal case put an overall ceiling of 50 per cent on quota.





With all parties, including the DMK and the Congress, backing the act, the Narasimha Rao Government at the Centre readily obliged the then Chief Minister, Ms Jayalalithaa, by including it in the Ninth Schedule.

Such was the passion aroused over the issue that Mr Vijayan was brutally attacked by suspected hirelings of the AIADMK when he was on his way to New Delhi to file a writ petition in the Supreme Court against the Tamil Nadu law. The lawyer survived the attack and is continuing the battle.

And the apex court, pending a decision on the immunity question, has been giving relief on a year by year basis by directing the State to increase the number of seats in professional courses and give them to students who would otherwise have got admission if the quota had been 50%. The latest verdict clears the way for a speedy hearing of Mr Vijayan's petition.

As is to be expected, the judgment has caused consternation among the Dravidian parties. Chief Minister M Karunanidhi has said he would wait for the verdict on the validity of the Tamil Nadu law. In the same breath, he has warned of a blood bath if the quota law is overturned.

As usual, Ms Jayalalithaa has accused Mr Karunanidhi and the Centre of having failed to adequately defend the law before the apex court. Ms Jayalalitha was in power from 2001 to 2006 and at that time Mr Karunanidhi had accused her of having failed to bring to the notice of the Bench hearing the petition against the Tamil Nadu law that it had been included in the Ninth Schedule. Such blame games are no longer relevant as the court, in its latest judgment, has said even laws included in the Ninth Schedule are open to review.

Ms Jayalalitha has said 69 per cent reservation will now pass into history. " From now on, there will be only 50 per cent quota and even that will not be based on caste. And creamy layer from among the Scheduled Castes and Tribes and other backward classes will be excluded".

This is just rabble rousing. The apex court has not ruled against reservation per se in the Mandal judgment. It has only said the overall ceiling should not exceed 50 per cent. Tamil Nadu will have to make out a case for justifying its present quota—50 per cent for other backward classes and 19 for Scheduled Castes and Tribes.

Since the SCs and STs are entitled under the Constitution to quota in proportion to their population, the State will have to only justify the percentage fixed for other backward classes. Even if the Tamil Nadu law is struck down as violative of the Mandal judgment, the OBCs will still have 31 per cent quota.

Dravidian parties have made a fetish of the issue over the years. It is nobody's case that there should be no affirmative action to uplift the socially and educationally backward classes.

But in Tamil Nadu, the quota issue has been caught in politics. In fact, the first amendment to the Constitution was made after the Madras High Court struck down the communal GO. It was MGR who raised the quota for OBCs from 31 to 50 per cent in 1980 after his party's rout in the Lok Sabha elections.

It reflects poorly on the State if the OBCs are still considered socially and educationally backward after 50 years of reservation.

The Dravidian parties are against even removing the creamy layer from among the OBCs so that the benefit goes to those who are still backward. The reason is not real concern for the backward, but vote bank politics.

What is needed is a corrective, which the apex court will hopefully give soon.
 
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2 Comments

I beg to differ. Here is my two pence worth of comment.
I am not ecstatic over the “Judicial Knock Out” ,as some triumphalists have termed the recent SC verdict in this perceived battle for supremacy between the judiciary and the legislature. . Judges come from the same class as the elite and they tend to reinforce the conclusions of the drawing room debaters of this comfortably off sections of the society. . In fact there was no hurry to decide on this issue as indeed shown by the honourable judges’ collective wisdom in not deciding the Ayodhya tangle for over fourteen years. Liberhan Commission another judicial sinecure does not appear to be willing to even hasten slowly as it seems to be at a standstill. This judicial pronouncement on nineth schedule was not crying for resolution and in any way cannot be compared to insisting on introduction of CNG or enforcing common law in the case of Delhi sealing.

Whether having a nineth schedule strikes at the root of the golden triangle of the basic structure of the constitution as enshrined in the articles 14, 19 and 21 is a matter which has to be debated by larger sections of the informed public and not by a mere nine judge bench out of over twentytwo judges however learned they may be in constitutional matters. Perhaps Hon. YJ Sabahrwal was in a hurry and wanted his name to be immortalised in future text books of constitutional jurisprudence before his retirement. May be, it will after all be only a footnote.

Our constitution is fiftyseven years old. The NDA’s attempt to have a review started with a bang and ended in a whimper since their intentions were suspect. Although the constitution, even overlooking the fact that there was no referendum on it, was well debated in the constituent assembly, yet, it is a decades’ old debate. The fact that the Nineth Schedule had to be introduced within five or six years of its adoption shows how quickly parts of it can become dated. The neglect of large sections of populations, for instance the police refusing to recognise Kairalanji massacre and Nitari killings is a manifest injustice perpetrated under our very noses despite having an enlightened constitution. Why are matters of Education and Health of the poor neglected if this paper constitution was as good as its words which we gave ourselves almost fiftyseven years ago ?

It is basically because the constitution perpetuated the class and caste divide as inherited from the British Colonists. As on date no one but polticians, however much freedom loving armchair pundits may revile against , can represent them with at least a modicum of credibility. If polticians’ even well intentioned efforts are stymied at every turn and twist of the social evolution in the name of basic doctrine structure we are sowing seeds for settlement of future political controversies by violent revolutions. The judges as well as the civil servants are still in a time warp perhaps because they are living in sprawling bungalows in the feudal parts of Lutyen’s Delhi and therefore anything wich is indicative of yielding space to the weaker sections is seen by them as an assault on fundamental freedoms, guarenteed by the constitution. They do not have to think about how to guarentee citizens of India freedom from hunger.

I am not sure which side of the debate is more rational. If some of the legislations like abolition of zamindari or 69% reservation of Tamilnadu are viewed as legislations to wring far reaching social changes and looking at the speed with which we should usher in such changes to empower poorer and weaker sections then retention of Nineth Schedule appears to be more than justified. The fear that it may be misused shows serious self doubts on democracy by the enfranchised non voting class .

Instead of resting the case with this knock out I sincerely hope the debate continues to avoid bloodshed.

 
maradnusro - Comments as on 15-01-2007

Such back-door entries like 9th schedule will only pave way for utter disregard for law & order. It is time the politicians stand pulled up & corrected for such ‘illegal laws’.
Further, no one has objected to poor people deriving benefits of reservation. Only the creamy layer needs to be excluded to allow for the next-in-line poor to stand benefitted. For example, if MK allows his grand children to get benefited out of reservation in preference to someone else living in abject poverty, it is definitely a mistake on the part of lawmakers to allow. This situation is being corrected by SC.

 
vjayaram - Comments as on 12-02-2007







     

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